PREFACE

When a fellow anarchist looks out upon the landscape of society and sees a need, they have a responsibility to meet that need to the best of their ability. This responsibility - of organically stepping up to fill a perceived void - is a cornerstone of the cooperative, communal, revolutionary society.

This pamphlet is in accordance with this principle: it is my attempt to meet a need - namely, that of a practical anarchist analysis of the immigration issue as it is currently unfolding in the United States. My deepest thanks to our comrades (you know who you are) for taking the time to give feedback, and making this a much more effective contribution to this end.

Within these pages you will find suggestions that anyone can pick up and implement to secure an anarchist victory in the struggle surrounding immigration and migrant workers. Additionally, you will find the frame that details just what an anarchist victory might look like.

Deep theory has been given a peripheral focus here, as most know the arguments given by anarchists and statists alike. Additionally, most anarchists are able to recognize tactics that fall within their theoretical framework without needing justification.

For most of us, it has been realized that something must be done. This pamphlet serves to answer the, "But what?"

I have struggled to be inclusive - insurrectionaries, anarchist-communists, syndicalists, post-leftists, earth liberationists, and others will all hopefully find ideas that they can implement and adapt to their own struggles. I believe that the plurality inherent within anarchism is a fundamental strength, and it is with great hope that anarchists of all stripes can come together to destroy the old system, each receiving an equal share of the new.

Again, this pamphlet is a contribution to the anarchist analysis of the immigration issue. It should not be considered absolute or infallible. I welcome any debate this pamphlet may bring about, and any criticism can be emailed to me. In moving anarchism forward, criticism is fundamental, but equally fundamental is the need for that criticism to be constructive. If we are truly interested in "living the revolution," and "being the change we seek," we must start with ourselves and how we interact with those that, for all intents and purposes, are on the same side.

In Love and Struggle!

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Civil rights for the Negroes was the cause through which we felt most morally ennobled and politically secure... Civil rights was the cause we supported that felt most consistently right. But it had an ambivalent aspect at its core. The injustice we protested - legal segregation - was an offense to the very principles of American democracy. But in that very fact, we realized, this issue was also the one most easily co-opted. If our efforts succeeded and segregation was ended, we would have confirmed the virtue of the hated "System." In securing justice, we would have proved the efficacy of democratic reform. It was only at the end of the Sixties, when Black Power activists redefined civil rights as a "liberation struggle" against the System, that its politics became reassuringly radical.

-David Horowitz, Radical Son

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ANALYSIS AND FRAMING FOR AN ANARCHIST VICTORY

What is the issue surrounding immigration, anyway? Many anarchists are no doubt left scratching their heads. Of course, corporations and the government have interests in seeing capital move freely where labor cannot. This creates labor surpluses and shortages, driving down the worker's wage as well as their ability to organize.

Often, the free flow of capital pits workers against each other - "legal" versus "illegal" in the United States, for example - resulting in the irrational fear among the working-class that their jobs are in danger, not from the outsourcing trend or the Free Trade agreements or other arbitrary whims of the companies for which they work, but solely from the "illegal immigrants" - themselves a victim of the globalized economy.

Anarchists cannot allow themselves to fall into these false political frames. Inherently and vehemently against political organizing, legality, borders, boundaries, nations, and limits on individual freedom and autonomy (including movement), the anarchist movement must publicly denounce the inane debate currently raging among Right-Left politicos, highlight its absurdity, and actively tear down the system that fosters such ridiculous notions.

Ultimately, the immigration issue in the current political context is an irrelevancy that must be destroyed! Being "legal" or "illegal" does not alter an individual's circumstance or desire for a better life. It is nothing more than an arbitrary classification handed down by an authoritarian nation-state.

When analyzing the issue of illegal immigration, realize that the migrant worker is a product of capitalism and is symbiotically tied to it. This does not mean, however, that they lack revolutionary potential.

On the contrary, with a deep history of radical struggle in their own respective countries, the Hispanic migrant worker has shown many instances of courage and organization around the issue of them simply needing to be in the United States. With the help of their Latino comrades whose status in the US is more secure, they have held Mayday rallies and demonstrations in direct challenge to the oppression they face. As victims of capital in the capitalist hotbed, they have militantly asserted themselves as the vital economic force that they are.

Anarchists should keep in mind the radical potential of any population when faced with hardship, particularly economic. Already against the wall, the growing crisis of the American economy breeds a potential revolutionary situation among not only migrants, but the working-class, as well.

So what is to be done regarding immigration and migrant workers, and what has been done up to now?

In the Phoenix area, there has been limited resistance to deportation, anti-immigrant sentiment, and infamous authoritarian Sheriff Joe Arpaio. Here, as throughout the United States, the tactics involved in resistance equate to nothing more than the tired liberal standards of sign-holding and slogan chanting. Usually indiscriminate, this flaccid display leaves many aimlessly and impotently "demonstrating" with no clear vision of the goal which they are trying to achieve. In the haze, many have taken up the slogan "no one is illegal," while many anarchists correctly counter that the point is for all to be illegal (or to dismiss the notion of legality altogether), seeking a rejection of the system and not legitimacy within it.

With the immigration struggle, anarchists have an unprecedented opportunity to embark on a course toward the revolutionary society. An anarchist victory in the context of the immigration debate would entail:

1. Framing the debate outside of the system of democratic reform and attacking the legal structure surrounding immigration ("legal" vs. "illegal", "legal" immigration quotas, immigration controls generally);
2. Breaking with the strategies and tactics of the loyal opposition of the Left;
3. Stripping immigration of its nationalistic/ethnocentric connotations;
4. Creating autonomous, self-sustaining, anarchist infrastructures, built with the help of and being utilized by migrant workers, creating a dual power that erodes the power and authority of corporations and their government;
5. Creating anarchist frameworks that serve to undermine the border wall, facilitate the free movement of people, and sour public opinion on the militarization of the border.

To anarchists, the legal system lacks all legitimacy and authority. As such, it would be antithetical to the aims of anarchism to appeal within this system. There are many opportunities to break from the frame of reform - openly rejecting the classifications of "legal" and "illegal" altogether is the most obvious start, as well as challenging the very foundations of the so-called problem: the arbitrary nature of boundaries and borders, the economic systems that erode the quality of life in Central and South American countries; the economic force requiring people to seek work in the United States just to earn enough to live, etc.

In discourse, borders can be attacked as egregious limits on human freedom while allowing capital to move unhindered. Emphasis can be placed on the inability of the vote and other "democratic" reforms to change this. Only through a new society, built from the ground up with freedom and autonomy in mind, can these changes come about. Immigration quotas and controls can also be attacked in similar fashion. In this way, one can appeal to the masses by questioning why we allow ourselves to be controlled in our freedom of movement, and why the United States thinks it can control the movement of everyone else, as well.

When carrying out actions, anarchists must move out from the loyal opposition of the Left by transcending the impotent and trite tactics of vigils, demonstrations, and protests. Why should anarchists waste time appealing to "officials" and "holding them accountable" when their very legitimacy can be called into question, instead?

When more traditional tactics are a necessity, they can be organized and executed anarchistically: bold, spontaneous, vocal, and confrontational.

The focus of any public action should be given to building momentum - in "creating the space to struggle" - particularly for those in the most conservative areas in of the United States. The perception of strength can become actual strength. When an action is carried out, it must be followed up, aiming for a bigger and better showing each time around. Varying the location for actions is one easy way to avoid stagnation.

Continuing along the five points outlined above, it must be said that gringos are the biggest problem. Indeed, within their racist imaginings they have created the problem of "illegal immigration," first by creating the economic need to seek work in the United States, and second by making a political issue of this fact.

For decades, gringos have set the political and financial agendas in the Central and South American countries, finally creating the conditions necessary for a massive influx of refugees from the worldwide capitalist system. Meanwhile, back in the United States, they fan the flames of hatred against those now reduced to tools of labor, no different than the hammer or scythe.

As is abundantly clear, the immigration issue has been hijacked and framed by both sides of the political spectrum as having both a nationalistic ("terrorism", security risk) and white supremacist (Hispanic "invasion" into white American culture) nature. These connotations with the immigration issue have gained traction among the white middle- and working-classes, and must be immediately gutted. As Noam Chomsky maintains: there was a strong sense of class consciousness among the working-class of the United States in the 1930s that has been systematically destroyed in the time since. Especially the white, working-class home today is as likely to be conservative as class conscious - a testament to the ability of the political Right to control the debate. Here too, anarchists must work to create the space to struggle and bring out what Chomsky feels is an inherent class consciousness that has simply been repressed. How and why this repression occurred is of no matter. Stripping the racial and nationalistic connotations from the immigration issue - engaging the white working-class - is of utmost importance.

It becomes clear that victory on the immigration issue would leave the anarchist movement in a much stronger position than it currently enjoys, with the peripheral benefit of a strong infrastructure that will be of immeasurable aid in future struggles. At a fundamental level, an anarchist victory would greatly improve the situation for migrants coming to and working in the United States. Lastly, an anarchist victory would also mean an unprecedented defeat of capitalism and its government (that is not to say that capitalism and its government would fall - a battle will have been won, but not necessarily the war).

PRACTICAL ACTION

Keeping in mind the five points above, what follows are some suggestions for the shape of the struggle on the field of immigration.

To begin, it must be realized that public opinion is currently against no borders and free movement for all. Advocating these positions publicly puts us outside the scope of acceptable debate and only serves to marginalize. The solution: go underground.

War must be declared on walls, boundaries, and borders! Why are there no anarchist organizations dedicated to fulfilling the commitment to free movement? In the spirit of border abolition and free movement for all, and with a page taken from the earth liberation tactics of recent memory, (perhaps even in conjunction with ELF as the wall devastates migratory animals, as well), the creation of underground groups are needed to help people cross into the United States, as well as to exile political prisoners out of the US. These guerrilla anarchist groups, the front-line in the immigration struggle, would form an "underground railroad" network to erode the effects of the border wall and its militarization by the government.

It should be understood that what is called for is not a New Left-revival vanguard on the same page as the Weather Underground. An underground movement around the border/immigration issue will not be isolated nor subject to the ineffectiveness of past groups like this. On the contrary, it will recognize public opinion against their positions and will not pretend to represent the masses, nor will it look to be a revolutionary vanguard attempting to incite them to social change. The purpose will be to consistently subvert the policies and infrastructures of the United States government around the US/Mexico border while implementing the values anarchists hold - to live in a world without borders, where people (not capital) can move freely in their quest to seek out the best lives possible.

If this new group is successful, they will have undermined the US government, calling into question the effectiveness of their policies, not to mention the billions of dollars spent on the militarization of the US/Mexico border. Public opinion could quickly sour - in no small part over the perception of wasted tax dollars - and could erode current support for the border militarization.

In taking up this call, anarchists from the United States must reach out to their comrades in Mexico and indigenous communities, always making sure to respect the cultures that anarchists are striving to help liberate. This is an important aspect to any action around the border, and will serve to keep all involved grounded and plugged in, able to adapt to changing social and political climates.

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As an extension of the underground, guerrilla groups and their "underground railroad," a solid autonomous, self-sustaining anarchist infrastructure is needed that can aid in all other anarchist struggles, and be opened to the migrant workers, allowing them to rest, eat, and live without the constant fear of discovery and deportation involved in trying to make arrangements themselves.

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To complement the underground campaign of systematic border erosion and the facilitation of free movement for all, and in accordance with creating the room to struggle, an explicit, highly visible, above-ground campaign is also needed. Such a campaign could carry out direct actions against practical and symbolic targets surrounding immigration - particularly the border wall itself.

Other border struggles should be looked to for inspiration and adapted to meet the needs of the present situation in the United States. How do anarchists in Israel and Palestine act against the wall currently being constructed? What about the recent breaching of the wall into Egypt by Hamas (not an anarchist group, but an inspirational action nonetheless)?

The border area is not the only potential theater for confrontation: Immigration and Customs Enforcement involve themselves in the city, through raids and other oppressive operations. Anarchists too, can operate effectively in the city - they do belong to the people, after all. ICE must be opposed, the Minutemen and similar groups confronted, and anti-immigrant demonstrations broken up. Through confrontation and a showing (or the perception) of strength, the room for additional struggle can be created and momentum can be built.

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On the syndicalist front, efforts must be made immediately to improve the lot of the working class as a whole, which will raise the working conditions for migrants, as well. In addition, the potential for the organization and improvement of workplaces by migrants themselves must be recognized. It should be remembered that the migrant worker does have some leverage, especially with new employer sanctions laws and particularly before the government implementation of a guest worker program.

For instance, what if organized migrants went to their employer demanding better conditions, leveraging the threat of violation of the worker sanctions law? If it is the company's second violation, their business license would be revoked - a powerful bargaining tool.

Similarly, there is unprecedented opportunity for direct action by and for migrant workers against workplaces with the most egregious safety violations. The employer sanctions law provides a good opportunity to go on the offensive, as it puts the employer in a precarious situation - to report the likely suspects is to admit employing "illegals," an illegal act in itself that, if not drawing reaction from authorities, would no doubt draw the ire of right-wing groups.

Relatedly, the Industrial Workers of the World should organize a national campaign for migrant workers, and form a union specifically for them.

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As a compliment to syndicalist activity (that is, organizing around the point of production) and toward building a self-sustaining, autonomous infrastructure, organization around the point of consumption is a possibility.

A main strength in organizing around the point of consumption is that everyone can safely organize, regardless of "legal" status. This strategy also holds promise in that the Hispanic community and migrant workers have already begun to organize in this way, making this an organic extension of the migrant's own activities. This organizing can be seen in the Mayday demonstrations, some titled "A Day Without an Immigrant," that have involved a massive cessation of both work and consumption in order to demonstrate the value "illegals" hold to the economy of the United States.

In organizing around the point of consumption, the creation of a workers credit union should be a main and immediate priority. With being a worker the sole qualification for membership, the credit union "management" could be run as a co-op, leaving open the possibility of a Wobbly-run credit union. This financial institution could be committed to the abolition of the wage system, and could grant loans to worker-run businesses to support the local economy and provide alternative places for workers to shop. Interests on worker's savings accounts could be paid through these loans, and the credit union could be the cornerstone of other organizing: calling for boycotts, producing publications, and educating workers about spending their money at union shops and worker-run stores, for solidarity and mutual aid. These loans, and the alternatives they would support, would be the foundation to independent, self-sustaining, autonomous communities.

Additionally, consumer's unions could be established around things such as rent that would work against evictions and perhaps even win the collective ownership of the renter's property. Organizations such as NEFAC have already organized around this issue, as member "Thomas" describes:

So the Boston Local Union of NEFAC has within the past couple of months gotten heavily involved[...] with the only Boston Area tenant union trying to organize resistance to[...] tenants facing eviction when the banks foreclose on the owners (the banks would rather sit on the properties than manage tenants... and then resell later on when housing prices go back up). There are three areas of practical resistance that tenants are able to make gains around: 1) organizing with the tenant union and using the threat of resistance to get more money to move out (Banks have been offering $1000 for tenants to move out voluntarily, but one tenant who organized with the union for example got $20,000 to move out just by threatening resistance)[;] 2) Leveraging [t]he Legal System: demanding the full legal preceding to slow down the process of eviction. This is actually more of a direct action move because the idea is a resistance or slow down, not to actually assume a win. If all folks facing eviction went to court, the court system would grind to a halt and effectively end the evictions[;] 3) Anti-Eviction Blockades: finally when all legal means are exhausted, some folks are willing to resort to a blockade when the constable comes to evict. All of these means, in effect are direct action tactics to fight the crisis. It has been a campaign that has mobilized our local union. And we've already seen some of the radicalization in analysis of some of the tenants we've organized.

Other infrastructures and frameworks could be established, as well, lessening the need to consume and taking money out of the economy that can then be used to support other radical causes. Ideas for reducing consumption include community gardens and community food banking, with an eye toward the Black Panther Party's "Survival Programs."

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Once these community programs start to develop, day laborers from around the area can be "hired" to help with the projects. Those that cannot find work for the day could aid in the creation of the community programs and projects, while groups such as Food Not Bombs provide food and drinks for the day. For those that do not need money to send to relatives abroad, this can become an attractive, humane alternative to day labor - one that, once the community projects are complete - they can reap the benefits of. Other disadvantaged people within the community can help and be helped in this way, as well (homeless, unemployed, etc.).

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Following from integrating the disadvantaged from the community into building community-based projects, and recognizing the special interconnectedness of the immigration issue, anarchists should reach out to other, parallel struggles in an effort to build and keep momentum. Specifically, the immigration issue also highlights the hardship faced by minorities and the poor - both of these struggles are directly related to the immigration issue, as "illegal" immigrants overlap both of these demographics, with the added hardship of their legal status.

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Lastly, the anarchist community should seek to learn from the migrant's organization and survival tactics, such as the ad-hoc networks of mutual aid that have undoubtedly sprung up to organically fill the needs of all involved - childcare, housing, etc.

Indeed, many anarchists can welcome the good example set by the migrant worker - the rejection of legality in traveling where they must to support their families, the rejection of taxes (though ironically many migrants pay into the social security system and pay taxes from which they see no benefit), and the perception of undermining law and authority in general (it should be said, however, that the migrant is often a model citizen, having entered the country illegally, as the repercussions of them being apprehended are much more severe than for a citizen).

CONCLUSION

To an anarchist, the debate over immigration - specifically "illegal" immigration - is a false dilemma. We have been able to successfully reframe the issue in a manner applicable to anarchists, and put forward the first steps in anarchistically acting on it.

In creating alternative systems and organizing actions on anarchistic terms, anarchists can break through the political frames of Left and Right alike. By placing themselves outside of the system, anarchists give the immigration struggle new life. They recognize participation in the system to be of no practical use in the struggle for equality and justice. Indeed, they realize it is impotent to bring about the changes needed. In going outside of the system and framing the debate as such, a movement truly becomes revolutionary.

Indeed, with the potential to undermine the concept of borders, provide free movement for all, and disenchant the working-class toward capitalism and their government, the immigration struggle possesses hope for a revolutionary movement much more momentous than presently exists.

Through the strategies and tactics outlined above, one can see the makings of a revolutionary system for the creation of autonomous, self-sustaining, radical neighborhoods that fundamentally challenge the power and authority of the government and its corporate agenda.

Implementing the ideas contained herein involve risk, and every precaution should be taken. Be safe, prudent, and remember the culture of security the anarchist movement tries to foster. The struggle for a new world needs you - something that you cannot give in prison or in death.

The time of passivity has ended. We are all leaders, and we all must lead. Perhaps like no other, the immigration issue can give anarchists sure footing for the battles ahead. This is only a beginning.